Civil Rights Strategies: Nonviolence vs. Self-Defense
43 questions
Read the excerpt from civil rights activist Robert F. Williams in Negroes with Guns (1962):
"We do not initiate violence. We are not advocating violence. We are advocating self-defense. The law-abiding citizens of our community have tried every legal and nonviolent means to secure justice and protection, only to be met with police complicity in racial terror. When the local government fails or refuses to protect our lives and property, we have a moral and constitutional right to defend ourselves."
Based on the excerpt, which of the following best analyzes Williams's justification for armed self-defense?
Read the statement below by Hartman Turnbow, a Mississippi farmer and civil rights activist, reflecting on his participation in the movement during the 1960s:
'I didn't go to no march. But I was protecting the ones who did. I wasn't nonviolent, but I was helping the nonviolent movement. If a man came to my house at night to burn it down, he was going to get shot. But during the day, I supported the people registering to vote.'
Based on Turnbow's statement and your knowledge of civil rights strategies, which of the following best describes the historical relationship between nonviolent direct action and armed self-defense in local Southern campaigns?
Read the excerpt below from a statement by James Farmer, National Director of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), in 1965:
"CORE is nonviolent, but we are not pacifists. We do not tell local people that they cannot defend their homes. The Deacons [for Defense and Justice] do not advocate violence; they advocate protection. They have made it possible for us to carry out nonviolent voter registration drives in areas where we would otherwise have been slaughtered."
Which of the following historical conclusions is best supported by Farmer's statement regarding civil rights strategies in the mid-1960s?
Read the excerpt below and answer the following question.
"I remember when Glenn Smiley and I went to Montgomery... we found that there were weapons in Dr. King's house. There were armed guards on his porch. We argued that you could not conduct a nonviolent campaign with weapons in your home... It was a struggle for King to accept this, because he felt a responsibility to protect his family."
— Adapted from Bayard Rustin, reflections on the Montgomery Bus Boycott
Based on the excerpt, which of the following best explains the historical significance of the debate over armed guards and weapons in Martin Luther King Jr.’s home?
An activist reflecting on the lunch counter sit-ins of the 1960s recalled the following:
"Many people mistakenly believe that when we sat at those lunch counters and let people pour ketchup on our heads or drag us to the floor, we were submitting to their power. In reality, we were asserting our own. We were forcing the community to look at its own ugliness, using our bodies to disrupt the daily operations of Jim Crow. It was a tactical, aggressive confrontation that demanded a choice."
Which of the following historical ideas or misconceptions about nonviolent direct action is most directly challenged by the perspective in this passage?
Read the excerpt below and answer the question that follows.
"The Southern brute respects only force. Nonviolence is a powerful weapon when one's opponent is civilized and has a conscience. But where there is no law, and the local officers of the law are the lawless ones, we have a right and a duty to protect ourselves."
— Robert F. Williams, Negroes with Guns, 1962
Which of the following statements best describes how this viewpoint challenges a common interpretation of the relationship between nonviolent direct action and armed self-defense in the Civil Rights Movement?
In areas where the government is either unable or unwilling to protect the lives and property of our people, we must take steps to defend ourselves. This is a basic constitutional right, and it is a matter of survival. We are not advocating the initiation of violence; we are advocating the right to defend ourselves against lawless violence.
Based on the excerpt, which of the following best describes how the strategy of armed self-defense differs from the strategy of nonviolent direct action?
Read the excerpt below and answer the question that follows.
"There is a difference between defending one's home and one's person against attack and using violence as a collective strategy for social change. When the Negro uses force in self-defense, he does not invoke the nonviolent method... But the strength of the nonviolent method lies in its ability to dramatize a moral issue and mobilize the conscience of the nation, whereas collective violence simply alienates the uncommitted majority and invites overwhelming state repression."
— Martin Luther King Jr., "The Social Organization of Nonviolence," 1959
Based on the excerpt, which of the following best describes King’s distinction between personal self-defense and nonviolent direct action as political strategies?
During the civil rights movement, critics sometimes characterized nonviolent direct action as a form of passive submission to racial injustice. How did proponents of nonviolence, such as Martin Luther King Jr. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), counter this criticism?
Read the following excerpt from a 1967 work by Martin Luther King Jr. and answer the question below.
"The legal and moral right to self-defense in one’s home or on one’s person has a long and honorable history. But there is a difference between defending one's home against an intruder and engaging in a collective campaign where the goal is to win over the conscience of the nation through disciplined, nonviolent confrontation."
Based on the passage, which of the following best describes the distinction Martin Luther King Jr. makes between personal self-defense and collective nonviolent direct action?
During the early 1960s, the Cambridge Nonviolent Action Committee (CNAC) in Maryland, led by Gloria Richardson, organized campaigns against racial segregation. Reflecting on their strategy, Richardson noted:
"We in the Cambridge Nonviolent Action Committee never believed in nonviolence as a philosophy or a way of life; we accepted it only as a useful tactic for demonstrations. We always maintained that if someone attacks you or your home, you have every right—legal and moral—to defend yourself. Indeed, our willingness to defend our community did not hinder our struggle; it prevented the local segregationists from running over us."
Based on the excerpt, which of the following statements best describes CNAC's approach to the civil rights struggle?
“We were committed to nonviolence, but our hosts—the local people who took us into their homes, fed us, and kept us safe—were not bound by the same pledge. In the rural South, a shotgun behind the door was a standard household tool, as necessary for survival as a plow. Those weapons did not represent a rejection of our struggle; rather, they made our nonviolent organizing possible by serving as a quiet deterrent against nighttime racial terror.”
Based on the passage, which of the following statements best describes the relationship between nonviolent direct action and armed self-defense in the rural Southern civil rights movement?
Read the excerpt from the original, uncensored draft of John Lewis’s speech prepared for the 1963 March on Washington:
'We will not wait for the President, the Justice Department, nor Congress, but we will take things into our own hands and create a source of power, outside of any national structure, that could and would assure us a victory... We will march through the South, through the heart of Dixie, the way Sherman did. We shall pursue our own "scorched earth" policy and burn Jim Crow to the ground—nonviolently.'
Lewis’s description of a 'scorched earth' policy to be carried out 'nonviolently' best illustrates which of the following concepts?
In his 1962 book *Negroes with Guns*, civil rights activist Robert F. Williams argued:
'The law-abiding Negroes of Monroe, North Carolina, have met violence with self-defense... We have shown that self-defense can prevent violence and save lives, whereas passive submission to violence invites more violence and terror.'
Which of the following statements best describes the relationship between Robert F. Williams's advocacy of armed self-defense and the strategy of nonviolent direct action promoted by organizations like the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC)?
The following excerpt is from an oral history of a civil rights organizer in Mississippi during the early 1960s:
"We were committed to nonviolence in our demonstrations. But when we went home to the rural counties, the local people who housed us kept their shotguns loaded on the porch. They weren't participating in our sit-ins, but they made sure the Klan couldn't burn down the house while we slept. Without their protection, our nonviolent campaign would have been wiped out in weeks."
Which of the following statements best describes the relationship between civil rights strategies as illustrated in this excerpt?
During the civil rights movement in the rural South, local Black residents such as Hartman Turnbow in Mississippi defended their homes with firearms while hosting and supporting organizers from the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) who were conducting nonviolent voter registration campaigns.
Which of the following historical conclusions is best supported by this coexistence of tactics?
Read the excerpt below and answer the question that follows.
"Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no longer be ignored."
—Martin Luther King Jr., "Letter from Birmingham Jail," 1963
Based on the excerpt, which of the following best describes the primary goal of nonviolent direct action?
During the early 1960s, civil rights strategist James Lawson argued:
'Nonviolent direct action is not a passive acceptance of evil. It is a militant, confrontational assertion of human dignity that disrupts the daily operations of Jim Crow. By putting our bodies on the line at lunch counters and on buses, we do not submit to segregation; we actively challenge it.'
Based on this excerpt, which of the following best describes the strategic purpose of nonviolent direct action?
Read the excerpt below and answer the following question.
"Concerning nonviolence: it is criminal to teach a man not to defend himself when he is the constant victim of brutal attacks. It is legal and quite consistent with common sense to participate in self-defense where the government is unable or unwilling to defend us."
— Malcolm X, April 1964
Based on this excerpt, which of the following statements best describes Malcolm X's justification for the use of self-defense?
In his 1962 book *Negroes with Guns*, civil rights activist Robert F. Williams wrote:
'The Southern brute respects only force. The nonviolent method is only successful when the oppressor is willing to be shamed. But when the oppressor has no shame, he must be met with a force that he respects.'
Which of the following statements best describes how Williams's philosophy of armed self-defense differed from the concept of nonviolent direct action as advocated by organizations like the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC)?