Period 8: 1945–1980
233 questions
"No matter how endlessly they try to explain it, the term 'black power' means anti-white power. In a pluralistic society, we cannot survive by isolation. It has to mean that in a sharing, integrated society we have to have black and white power together... We of the NAACP will have none of this. We have fought too long and too hard against bigotry to yield to a new form of it."
— Roy Wilkins, Executive Director of the NAACP, address to the NAACP annual convention, July 5, 1966
Which of the following developments within the civil rights movement of the 1960s does the perspective expressed in the excerpt most directly reflect?
Lewis F. Powell Jr., "Confidential Memorandum: Attack on American Free Enterprise System," memorandum to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, August 23, 1971.
"No thoughtful person can question that the American business system is under broad attack. This varies in scope, intensity, in the techniques employed, and in the level of visibility. . . . The most disquieting voices joining the chorus of criticism come from perfectly respectable elements of society: from the college campus, the pulpit, the media, the intellectual and literary journals, the arts and sciences, and from politicians. . . . Business must learn the lesson, long ago learned by labor and other self-interest groups. This is the lesson that political power is necessary; that such power must be assiduously cultivated; and that when necessary, it must be used aggressively and with determination — without embarrassment and without the reluctance which has been so characteristic of American business."
Which of the following developments in the late 1970s and 1980s represents the most direct result of the arguments made in the excerpt?
"You have a row of dominoes set up, you knock over the first one, and what will happen to the last one is the certainty that it will go over very quickly. So you could have a beginning of a disintegration that would have the most profound influences."
— President Dwight D. Eisenhower, press conference, April 7, 1954
Which of the following best describes the main foreign policy objective of the United States that was supported by the logic in this excerpt?
"In his conduct of the office of President of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, in violation of his constitutional oath faithfully to execute the office of President of the United States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in disregard of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, has prevented, obstructed, and delayed the administration of justice... Richard M. Nixon, using the powers of his high office, engaged personally and through his close subordinates and agents, in a course of conduct or plan designed to delay, influence, and obstruct the investigation of such illegal entry; to cover up, conceal and protect those responsible."
— House Judiciary Committee, Articles of Impeachment against Richard M. Nixon, July 1974
Which of the following was a major constitutional consequence of the actions described in the excerpt?
"The shift of population and industry to the Southern and Western states—a region increasingly referred to as the 'Sunbelt'—has become one of the most significant demographic developments of the postwar era. Enabled by the widespread adoption of air conditioning and accelerated by massive federal spending on defense contracts and military installations, states like Texas, California, and Florida are experiencing unprecedented growth. This migration is reshaping not only the nation's economic landscape, attracting both manufacturing and high-tech aerospace firms, but is also beginning to alter the balance of political power in Congress, shifting influence away from the traditional industrial centers of the Northeast and Midwest."
—Adapted from a postwar economic analysis, c. 1960
The demographic trends described in the excerpt most directly contributed to which of the following political developments in the late twentieth century?
"There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America. A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor—both black and white—through the poverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. So, I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such."
— Martin Luther King Jr., "Beyond Vietnam," 1967
The arguments in the excerpt highlight which of the following dynamics within the civil rights movement of the late 1960s?
"I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures. I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way."
— President Harry S. Truman, Address to Congress, March 12, 1947
The foreign policy goal declared in this excerpt is most closely associated with which of the following doctrines?
Source: Walter Lippmann, journalist, *The Cold War: A Study in U.S. Foreign Policy*, 1947.
"The policy of containment... must lead to a compromise of the constitutional system. It would require a permanent state of mobilization, a huge military establishment, and a centralization of power in the executive branch that is foreign to our traditions. Furthermore, it commits the United States to defend areas of the world where we have no vital interests and little power to influence outcomes, relying on unstable and undemocratic regimes as clients."
Lippmann’s critique in the excerpt most directly anticipated which of the following domestic political developments during the Cold War?
“Indeed, the most striking characteristic of a great nation is its power, and the second most striking characteristic is its inability to realize the limitations of its power. We are a nation of enormous wealth and strength, and we have undertaken to guide the destiny of others. In Southeast Asia, we have allowed our policy to be governed by a dogmatic containment doctrine that views every local conflict through the lens of a global ideological struggle. By doing so, we have failed to recognize the nationalist character of the Vietnamese revolution and have committed ourselves to a conflict that we can neither win nor justify.”
— Senator J. William Fulbright, *The Arrogance of Power*, 1966
Which of the following foreign policy developments of the Nixon administration most directly reflected a departure from the “dogmatic containment doctrine” criticized in the excerpt?
"We are people of this generation, bred in at least modest comfort, housed now in universities, looking uncomfortably to the world we inherit. When we were kids the United States was the wealthiest and strongest country in the world... [but] our comfort was penetrated by events too troubling to dismiss."
—Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), Port Huron Statement, 1962
The sentiments expressed in the excerpt most directly reflect which of the following historical developments of the 1960s?
"Our position in the post-war world is such that we cannot afford the luxury of a leisurely approach to the solution of this problem. . . . The United States is not so strong, the final triumph of the democratic ideal is not so inevitable that we can ignore what the world thinks of us or our record. . . . We have template-like ideals and a practice which falls short of them. The world looks at us to see if we can make our practice square with our ideals. Our foreign policy is seriously handicapped by our systemic failure to do so."
— President’s Committee on Civil Rights, *To Secure These Rights*, 1947
Which of the following historical developments during the late 1940s and 1950s best explains the committee's emphasis on the international implications of racial inequality in the United States?
President Lyndon B. Johnson, Address at Johns Hopkins University: "Peace Without Conquest," April 7, 1965:
"We are there because we have a promise to keep. Since 1954 every American President has offered support to the people of South Vietnam. We have helped to build, and we have defended. Thus, over many years, we have made a national pledge to help South Vietnam defend its independence. And I intend to keep our promise. To dishonor that pledge, to abandon this small and brave nation to its enemies, and to the terror that must follow, would be an unforgivable wrong. We are also there to strengthen world order. Around the globe, from Berlin to Thailand, are people whose well-being rests, in part, on the belief that they can count on us if they are attacked. To leave Vietnam to its fate would shake the confidence of all these people in the value of an American commitment."
Which of the following historical developments during the late 1960s or 1970s represented the most direct departure from the foreign policy assumptions expressed in the excerpt?
Source: Ella Baker, civil rights activist and advisor to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), "Bigger Than a Hamburger," June 1960
"The young people who have initiated the sit-ins and other demonstrations... are seeking to rid America of the scourge of racial segregation and discrimination—not only at lunch counters, but in every aspect of life. ... They are calling for a showcase of group-centered leadership rather than leader-centered groups. ... The student movement is something much larger than a hamburger or even a giant-sized Coke."
The distinction Baker makes between "group-centered leadership" and "leader-centered groups" best reflects which of the following developments within the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s?
Source: Secretary of State George C. Marshall, Address at Harvard University, June 5, 1947
"Aside from the demoralizing effect on the world at large and the possibilities of disturbances arising as a result of the desperation of the people concerned, the consequences to the economy of the United States should be apparent to all. It is logical that the United States should do whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal economic health in the world, without which there can be no political stability and no assured peace."
Which of the following foreign policy actions was most directly motivated by the concerns expressed in the excerpt?
"In the previous administration, we Americanized the war in Vietnam. In this administration, we are Vietnamizing the search for peace. . . . Under the new policy, the combat role of United States forces is being shifted to the South Vietnamese, and we are withdrawing all of our ground combat forces on an orderly scheduled timetable. . . . The primary objective of this program is to strengthen the South Vietnamese government and its armed forces so that they can defend themselves, while at the same time reducing the American military involvement."
— Richard Nixon, Address to the Nation on the War in Vietnam, November 3, 1969
Which of the following best describes the broader strategic realignment in United States foreign policy reflected in the shift described in the excerpt?
"Soviet pressure against the free institutions of the Western world is something that can be contained by the adroit and vigilant application of counterforce at a series of constantly shifting geographical and political points, corresponding to the shifts and maneuvers of Soviet policy, but which cannot be charmed or talked out of existence."
— George F. Kennan, writing as 'X,' "The Sources of Soviet Conduct," Foreign Affairs, July 1947
The foreign policy strategy outlined in the excerpt most directly contributed to domestic political and constitutional debates in the United States regarding which of the following?
"I think that it is high time that we remembered that we have sworn to uphold and defend the Constitution. I think that it is high time that we remembered that the Constitution also speaks of not only freedom of speech but also of trial by jury instead of trial by accusation. . . . As a United States Senator, I am not proud of the way in which the Senate has been made a publicity platform for irresponsible sensationalism. I am not proud of the reckless abandon in which unproved charges have been hurled from this side of the aisle."
— Senator Margaret Chase Smith, "Declaration of Conscience," June 1, 1950
Senator Smith's criticism of 'reckless abandon' and 'unproved charges' was most directly responding to which of the following?
"We accept the challenge of the 1980s: to make America work again... We will halt the growth of government spending and reduce tax rates. This will encourage investment, create jobs, and restore the value of the dollar... We will restore the balance of power between the states and the federal government. And we will rebuild our defense capabilities, for peace is secured through strength, not through weakness or apology."
— Republican Party Platform, July 15, 1980
The principles articulated in this platform excerpt represent a direct rejection of which of the following major features of the post-World War II political consensus?
Source: President Harry S. Truman, statement on the situation in Korea, June 27, 1950.
"In Korea the Government forces, which were armed to prevent border raids and to preserve their internal security, were attacked by invading forces from North Korea.... The attack upon Korea makes it plain beyond all doubt that communism has passed beyond the use of subversion to conquer independent nations and will now use armed invasion and war."
The military intervention described in the excerpt most directly reflects which of the following post-World War II foreign policies?
"To continue to fight through the months ahead for my personal vindication would almost totally absorb the time and attention of both the President and the Congress in a period when our entire focus should be on the great issues of peace abroad and prosperity without inflation at home. Therefore, I shall resign the presidency effective at noon tomorrow."
— President Richard Nixon, Address to the Nation, August 8, 1974
Which of the following was a major long-term political consequence of the development described in the excerpt?