For several decades, historiographical analyses of pre-Columbian Andean agriculture maintained that the construction of extensive hillside terracing was fundamentally a centralized achievement of the Inca Empire. According to this traditional view, terracing required the immense administrative apparatus and mobilized labor forces that only an expansive imperial state could command. However, recent pedological investigations and radiocarbon dating of terrace fill at non-Inca sites have significantly complicated this narrative. Scholars examining soil strata in the Colca Valley have documented sophisticated terracing systems that predate Incan consolidation by several centuries, attributing their construction to earlier, decentralized Wari and Tiwanaku communities. These findings suggest that terrace technology was not an innovation devised by imperial decree, but rather a long-evolving agrarian adaptation developed by localized kin collectives. Consequently, the expansion of Incan agricultural infrastructure should be understood not as the creation of a novel technological system, but as the systematic aggregation and expansion of preexisting local engineering techniques.
Which of the following best expresses the primary purpose of the passage?
- ATo argue that the Incan Empire possessed no original technological capabilities and relied entirely on administrative coercion.
- BTo detail the technical pedological and radiocarbon methods used by modern archaeologists to date soil strata in Andean valleys.
- To reevaluate a traditional view regarding Incan agricultural innovation by presenting evidence of earlier decentralized engineering practices.Answer
- DTo demonstrate that Wari and Tiwanaku agricultural networks were dismantled when the Incan Empire established centralized governance.
- ETo propose that all pre-Columbian infrastructure projects originated from localized kin collectives rather than state planning.