Question

Passage:
For decades, historical models of the Late Bronze Age (LBA) in the Eastern Mediterranean characterized the era's economic structure as a series of rigid, highly centralized palatial command economies. Within this paradigm, powerful kings and state bureaucracies monopolized the production, distribution, and international exchange of vital commodities, functioning through a complex redistributive system. Consequently, the widespread systemic collapse that occurred around 1200 BCE—which saw the destruction of major palatial centers across the Aegean, Anatolia, and the Levant—has traditionally been interpreted as the total cessation of sophisticated economic activity, precipitating a prolonged "dark age."

However, recent archaeological reevaluations of key maritime sites, particularly the comparative analysis of the Uluburun and Cape Gelidonya shipwrecks, suggest a far more nuanced economic transition. The Uluburun shipwreck, dating to the late fourteenth century BCE, perfectly exemplifies the zenith of state-sponsored trade. Its cargo was staggering in both wealth and uniformity, consisting of precisely standardized "oxhide" copper and tin ingots, alongside exotic prestige goods such as ivory, ebony, and ostrich eggshells. This massive assemblage of wealth was undeniably a royal shipment, intended for a palatial destination and handled by state emissaries.

In stark contrast stands the Cape Gelidonya shipwreck, which sank approximately a century and a half later, right at the tumultuous onset of the LBA collapse (circa 1200 BCE). Unlike the royal cargo of the Uluburun, the Cape Gelidonya vessel carried a decidedly utilitarian payload. Its hold primarily contained scrap metal, broken bronze implements intended for recycling, and smaller, noticeably less standardized copper ingots. Furthermore, the excavation of the crew's personal effects and onboard tools strongly indicates that the individuals operating the ship were itinerant, independent metalworkers or opportunistic merchants, rather than official representatives of a centralized state bureaucracy.

This stark material divergence provides crucial empirical support for the "freelance trade" hypothesis. This theory posits that as the bureaucratic palatial centers began to weaken and ultimately disintegrate, they lost their stranglehold on maritime trade routes. In the resulting economic vacuum, decentralized, opportunistic merchant networks quickly emerged. Rather than viewing the LBA collapse merely as a catastrophic decline into isolationism, scholars increasingly recognize it as a period of profound structural reorganization. The rigid, state-controlled redistributive economy gradually gave way to nascent forms of private enterprise. These decentralized, freelance entrepreneurial networks proved far more adaptable and resilient to the systemic shocks that irreversibly destroyed the cumbersome palatial monopolies.

According to the passage, which of the following details accurately describe the findings associated with the Cape Gelidonya shipwreck? (Select two)