Question

Passage A
Historically, anthropologists defined hominins largely by their unique ability to conceptualize, manufacture, and systematically use tools. This capability established a theoretical cognitive Rubicon that supposedly separated human ancestors from all other primates, reinforcing a narrative of human exceptionalism. However, decades of rigorous field research on wild chimpanzees have steadily dismantled this paradigm. Observations in natural habitats reveal that chimpanzees not only use found objects—such as employing carefully selected sticks to extract termites from mounds—but they also actively modify raw materials to suit specific functional tasks, demonstrating a clear mental representation of a desired outcome before action is taken. More significantly, the documented variations in tool-use behaviors across different, isolated chimpanzee populations strongly point to cultural transmission. For instance, a community residing in the Taï Forest may exclusively employ heavy stone hammers to crack hard-shelled nuts, whereas a group in Gombe relies entirely on wooden implements for the exact same purpose, despite the robust availability of similar natural resources in both ecological zones. These regional differences cannot be explained as genetically hardwired instincts; rather, they are complex, learned behaviors passed down through generations via prolonged social observation and imitation. Consequently, the study of chimpanzee tool use forces the scientific community to recognize that advanced cognitive abilities and the mechanisms of cultural inheritance are not strictly human traits, but are deeply rooted in our shared evolutionary history.

Passage B
For the better part of a century, cognitive science operated under the firm assumption that the avian brain, lacking the enlarged and highly folded neocortex characteristic of higher mammals, was fundamentally incapable of advanced problem-solving or abstract thought. This restrictive perspective has been radically revised in light of contemporary research on corvids, particularly focusing on the New Caledonian crow. In both controlled experimental settings and highly competitive natural environments, these birds exhibit an astonishing aptitude for targeted tool creation. They do not merely use objects; they routinely bend stiff twigs into precise hooks or fashion complex, stepped cut-outs from pandanus leaves to securely extract grubs from narrow, inaccessible crevices. What elevates this remarkable behavior from mere genetic instinct to evidence of advanced cognition is the cumulative nature of their technological refinement. Young crows spend extensive periods closely observing adult toolmakers, gradually acquiring the intricate motor skills and structural understanding required to manufacture these specific implements. Furthermore, field researchers have documented highly distinct regional variations in the design of pandanus tools across different geographic territories in New Caledonia, proving that these designs are socially transmitted. The indisputable fact that an avian species can sustain a resilient material culture, complete with regional tool dialects, profoundly challenges the longstanding mammalian bias in comparative cognitive studies. It powerfully demonstrates that the capacity for cultural transmission and sophisticated tool manufacture evolved entirely independently in birds.

Based on the provided texts, which of the following statements accurately express a central argument shared by the authors of both Passage A and Passage B? (Select all that apply)