Movements and Debates
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Read the following excerpt from Martin R. Delany's address to the National Emigration Convention in 1854:
"We love our country, and would die in defense of her liberty... But this is not our home; we have no country, no rights, no protection... A people who submit to be a subordinate class, a degraded caste, under any government, can never become a great or a distinct people... We must establish a national character and a sovereignty of our own."
Based on the excerpt and your knowledge of nineteenth-century African American political thought, which of the following statements best analyzes the central ideological divide between emigrationists and integrationists?
Consider the following scholarly argument regarding the intellectual and material dimensions of historical redress:
"To attempt to understand the African experience without centering the African as an agent is to perpetuate a scholastic form of displacement. True redress for the historical extraction of African labor and culture cannot be completed in the ledger of economics alone; it requires an epistemic reclamation. Until the African subject is restored to the center of their own historical narrative, any material compensation will merely operate within a framework of continued dependency."
Based on this argument, which of the following best analyzes the relationship between the Afrocentric paradigm and debates over reparations?
Read the following excerpt from Marcus Garvey’s 'The Appeal to the Soul of White America,' published in 1923:
'The Universal Negro Improvement Association advocates the unity and blending of all Negroes into one great body to establish a country and government of their own on the continent of Africa... We do not desire what belongs to others, but we do demand a place in the sun for the 400,000,000 Negroes of the world.'
Based on the excerpt, which of the following represents a major point of ideological or strategic divergence between Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) and W.E.B. Du Bois's Pan-African Congress movement?
Read the statement below by Hartman Turnbow, a Mississippi farmer and civil rights activist, reflecting on his participation in the movement during the 1960s:
'I didn't go to no march. But I was protecting the ones who did. I wasn't nonviolent, but I was helping the nonviolent movement. If a man came to my house at night to burn it down, he was going to get shot. But during the day, I supported the people registering to vote.'
Based on Turnbow's statement and your knowledge of civil rights strategies, which of the following best describes the historical relationship between nonviolent direct action and armed self-defense in local Southern campaigns?
Read the excerpt below from a statement by James Farmer, National Director of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), in 1965:
"CORE is nonviolent, but we are not pacifists. We do not tell local people that they cannot defend their homes. The Deacons [for Defense and Justice] do not advocate violence; they advocate protection. They have made it possible for us to carry out nonviolent voter registration drives in areas where we would otherwise have been slaughtered."
Which of the following historical conclusions is best supported by Farmer's statement regarding civil rights strategies in the mid-1960s?
Read the following excerpt from Alain Locke’s essay "The New Negro" (1925):
"Up to the present, American Negroes have been a race more in name than in fact, or to be exact, more in collective destiny than in collective consciousness. The pressure of the common trial rather than the cohesion of the common forward impulse has made and kept them together. But the thinking Negro has slipped from under the tyranny of social status and our leaders are today launching a new movement of self-determination."
According to Locke, which of the following best describes the transition in identity represented by the "New Negro"?
Read the following excerpt from activist and legal scholar Pauli Murray's 1964 address to the National Council of Negro Women:
"It is not too much to say that the civil rights movement will be crippled if it does not recognize and utilize the leadership and resources of Negro women... The Negro woman can no longer postpone her advocacy of her rights as a woman while she struggles for her rights as a member of a minority group. She must carry on both struggles simultaneously."
Based on the excerpt, which of the following best describes Murray's argument regarding the political activism of Black women?
Read the following excerpt from a 1925 editorial by Amy Jacques Garvey in *The Negro World*:
'No race can rise above its source. The source of the race is the mother, and if the mothers are not mentally and physically fit, the race must deteriorate. Black women must play their part in the redemption of Africa, not merely as passive supporters, but as active leaders and thinkers.'
Based on the excerpt, which of the following statements best characterizes Amy Jacques Garvey’s contribution to the ideology and organizational practices of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA)?
Read the excerpt from the *Proceedings of the National Emigration Convention of Colored People* (1854):
"The colonizationists want to get rid of us for the benefit of the slaveholders; the emigrationists want us to get rid of our oppressors for our own benefit. The one is a project of white men to secure and perpetuate slavery; the other is a movement of Black men to escape from it and establish an independent nationality."
Based on the excerpt and your knowledge of nineteenth-century abolitionist debates, which of the following best describes the primary ideological division between Black emigrationists and Black integrationists (anti-emigrationists) during this period?
Read the following excerpt from Huey P. Newton's *To Die for the People* (1972):
"We recognized that our struggle could not succeed without the support of the people. We started the Free Breakfast for School Children Program, the free health clinics, and other community-led initiatives... We call them survival programs pending revolution. They are not permanent solutions to our problems, but they serve to meet the immediate needs of our community while organizing the people to gain control over their own lives and institutions."
Based on the excerpt, which of the following best describes the primary objective of the Black Panther Party's "survival programs"?
Read the passage below:
'Mr. [Booker T.] Washington distinctly asks that black people give up, at least for the present, three things,—
First, political power,
Second, insistence on civil rights,
Third, higher education of Negro youth,—
and concentrate all their energies on industrial education, the accumulation of wealth, and the conciliation of the South.'
— W.E.B. Du Bois, *The Souls of Black Folk*, 1903
Based on the passage, which of the following statements best describes W.E.B. Du Bois's critique of Booker T. Washington's platform?
The African person must be viewed as a subject, not an object, of history. To write or study history without centering the agency of African people is to perpetuate a Eurocentric hegemony that marginalizes African experiences and perspectives. Afrocentricity is not a matter of biological determinism or a search for a romanticized past; rather, it is a methodological framework that locates African people as active participants and agents in their own narratives.
Based on the passage, which of the following best describes the primary methodological objective of Afrocentricity as defined by Molefi Kete Asante?
Read the passage below:
"A policy of mere non-discrimination cannot dismantle the deep-seated economic disparities built over generations. While civil rights laws prohibit current discrimination in housing, employment, and banking, they do not correct the massive, compounding disadvantage of historical wealth deprivation. Reparations are designed to address this direct inheritance of inequality by targeting the structural wealth gap that defines the racial divide in America."
Based on the passage, which of the following best describes the primary distinction between civil rights laws and reparations?
Read the excerpt from W.E.B. Du Bois’s 1906 address to the Niagara Movement:
"We want our children educated. ... We believe in work. We ourselves are workers, but we want our children to be trained as men, not as work-animals."
Which of the following best describes how the philosophy expressed in this excerpt contrasts with Booker T. Washington’s approach to African American advancement?
Read the excerpt below and answer the following question.
"I remember when Glenn Smiley and I went to Montgomery... we found that there were weapons in Dr. King's house. There were armed guards on his porch. We argued that you could not conduct a nonviolent campaign with weapons in your home... It was a struggle for King to accept this, because he felt a responsibility to protect his family."
— Adapted from Bayard Rustin, reflections on the Montgomery Bus Boycott
Based on the excerpt, which of the following best explains the historical significance of the debate over armed guards and weapons in Martin Luther King Jr.’s home?
Read the following excerpt from the Combahee River Collective Statement (1977):
"We struggle together with Black men against racism, while we also struggle with Black men about sexism... We realize that the liberation of all oppressed peoples necessitates the destruction of the political-economic systems of capitalism and imperialism as well as patriarchy."
Based on this excerpt, which of the following statements best describes how the Combahee River Collective's political agenda differed from mainstream, second-wave white feminist organizations of the 1970s?
An activist reflecting on the lunch counter sit-ins of the 1960s recalled the following:
"Many people mistakenly believe that when we sat at those lunch counters and let people pour ketchup on our heads or drag us to the floor, we were submitting to their power. In reality, we were asserting our own. We were forcing the community to look at its own ugliness, using our bodies to disrupt the daily operations of Jim Crow. It was a tactical, aggressive confrontation that demanded a choice."
Which of the following historical ideas or misconceptions about nonviolent direct action is most directly challenged by the perspective in this passage?
Read the excerpt below from Booker T. Washington's book *Working with the Hands* (1904):
'We began our work... with industrial education, not because we undervalued or doubted the value of higher education, but because we felt that the first and most pressing need of the great mass of our people was for some form of training that would enable them to find a footing in the economic life about them.'
Which of the following statements best describes how this passage refutes a common misconception about the debate between Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois?
Read the excerpt below from Mary Ann Shadd Cary's pamphlet *A Plea for Emigration; or, Notes of Canada West* (1852):
"The Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 has left us no secure home in the United States... In Canada, we find a government that protects all citizens without regard to color. This is not the forced colonization of the American Colonization Society, which seeks to banish us to preserve slavery, but a voluntary emigration where we may build our own futures."
Which of the following best describes how Mary Ann Shadd Cary's argument in the excerpt reflects a key debate among nineteenth-century Black abolitionists?
Read the following excerpt from Audre Lorde's essay "The Master's Tools Will Never Dismantle the Master's House" (1979):
"Advocating the mere tolerance of difference between women is the most gross reformism. It is a total denial of the creative function of difference in our lives. Difference must be not merely tolerated, but seen as a fund of necessary polarities between which our creativity can spark like a dialectic... Only within that interdependency of different strengths, acknowledged and equal, can the power to seek new ways of being in the world generate..."
Based on the passage, which of the following best explains Audre Lorde's argument regarding how women's differences should be addressed within the feminist movement?