In the mid-twentieth century, linguist Morris Swadesh proposed glottochronology, a quantitative method designed to calculate the time elapsed since two related languages diverged from a common ancestral tongue. Swadesh posited that a core vocabulary of basic cultural and biological concepts changes at a constant, uniform rate across all human societies, analogous to radioactive decay in radiometric dating. However, critics led by anthropologist Edward Sapir's intellectual successors argued that lexical decay rates are fundamentally non-linear. They maintained that social factors—such as intense intercultural contact, prestige-driven borrowing, taboos on names of the deceased, and deliberate archaism—can drastically accelerate or decelerate vocabulary replacement. Furthermore, glottochronologists relied on the assumption that core vocabulary items remain semantically stable over centuries, overlooking how subtle shifts in meaning can obscure cognate relationships without replacing the lexical item itself. Consequently, while glottochronology provided an intriguing framework for chronological modeling, its reliance on a universal rate of lexical turnover ignored the complex socio-historical realities that govern linguistic evolution.
Based on the passage, which of the following can be inferred regarding the assumptions underlying Morris Swadesh's model of glottochronology?
- The model presupposed that vocabulary turnover occurs at a steady rate unaffected by socio-cultural disruptions.Cevap
- BThe model was discarded by twentieth-century anthropologists in favor of radiometric dating techniques borrowed from physics.
- CThe model assumed that non-core vocabulary changes at a demonstrably faster rate than core vocabulary items.
- DThe model failed primarily because it was incapable of identifying cognate relationships between divergent languages.
- EThe model was criticized because Swadesh intentionally altered linguistic data to mirror radioactive decay models.