Soru

The following dual passages discuss theories regarding the formation of early agrarian states.

Passage A
The genesis of the archaic state remains one of anthropology's most contentious and heavily debated problems. For decades, the dominant paradigm in the field was the "hydraulic hypothesis," which posited that the immense administrative demands of designing, constructing, and maintaining large-scale irrigation systems necessitated the rapid development of centralized, hierarchical bureaucracies. While this particular theory has faced legitimate scrutiny in recent years regarding the precise chronological sequencing of irrigation infrastructure and the onset of formal statehood, it nevertheless correctly recognizes a fundamental truth: the transition from egalitarian kin-based groups to highly stratified societies was driven fundamentally by the urgent need for ecological management, rather than by any sort of voluntary social contract. The historical record strongly suggests that early state subjects did not willingly cede their political autonomy in exchange for the supposed benefits of state protection; rather, their integration into complex state structures was inherently coercive, driven by the inescapable need to centrally coordinate agricultural production in harsh, arid environments. Proponents of the alternative, purely militaristic "conquest theory" argue that states formed exclusively through the violent subjugation of one indigenous group by another invading group. Yet, this view is overly reductive. It completely fails to account for why successful conquerors would deliberately seek to establish permanent, complex administrative and taxation apparatuses rather than merely extracting temporary tribute and departing. The state, therefore, must be understood as an ecologically adaptive, albeit profoundly oppressive, mechanism for sustainable resource management.

Passage B
The emergence of early agrarian states was neither a voluntary agreement among equals nor a triumph of cooperative human ingenuity, as Enlightenment thinkers might have romantically posited. However, it was also not primarily a response to the managerial requirements of large-scale agricultural infrastructure, as hydraulic theorists have long stubbornly maintained. The expanding archaeological record increasingly demonstrates that complex, centralized irrigation networks typically postdate the emergence of centralized political authority, rather than causing it. Instead, the primary catalyst for the original formation of the state was the phenomenon of environmental circumscription. When relentless population growth eventually exhausted the available arable land in a geographically bounded area—such as a fertile desert valley surrounded by uninhabitable mountains—fissioning into new territories became impossible. Conflict over steadily diminishing resources inevitably ensued, and defeated groups, unable to flee across the geographic barriers, were forcibly incorporated as subordinate, tribute-paying classes within a nascent political hierarchy. Thus, while state formation undeniably involved systemic coercion and the stark, irreversible loss of individual autonomy, its root cause was demographic pressure interacting with geography, not the administrative foresight required for managing water resources. Furthermore, while warfare was undeniably the immediate physical mechanism of subjugation, theories relying entirely on isolated instances of military conquest completely miss the broader ecological context. Conquest only leads to permanent state formation when environmental barriers prevent the physical dispersal of the vanquished populations. Consequently, early states should properly be viewed as a forced evolutionary adaptation to severe ecological constraints.

Based on the passages, match each concept regarding state formation (Left) with the perspective that both authors share regarding it (Right).