Movements and Debates
327 questions
Read the following excerpt from the Combahee River Collective Statement (1977):
"If Black women were free, it would mean that everyone else would have to be free since our freedom would necessitate the destruction of all the systems of oppression."
Which of the following statements best describes the primary goal of the Combahee River Collective as expressed in this excerpt?
Read the following excerpt from an essay by W.E.B. Du Bois published in The Crisis in 1921:
"The Pan-African movement, as represented by the Congresses, is an effort to bring together representatives of the African race from all parts of the world, to discuss their grievances and to formulate plans for their common advancement. It is not an attempt to organize a mass emigration to Africa, nor does it advocate the immediate overthrow of colonial administrations. Rather, it seeks to secure for people of African descent their full civil rights and economic opportunities in the lands of their birth or adoption, while fostering cooperation and mutual aid among intellectual leaders globally. It differs fundamentally from those plans which promise a sudden, complete separation of races and a wholesale return to the African continent."
Based on the excerpt, which of the following statements best analyzes the ideological divergence between the Pan-African Congress movement and Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA)?
Read the excerpt below:
"Afrocentricity is a paradigm that seeks to locate African people as active subjects, agents, and actors in the reconstruction of their own history and culture, rather than as passive objects or marginalized observers on the fringes of European experiences."
Based on the excerpt, which of the following best describes the primary academic shift advocated by proponents of Afrocentricity?
Read the excerpt below and answer the question that follows.
"We were going into communities where people had to defend themselves. If a home was shot into, the people inside shot back. The SNCC workers, while committed to nonviolence in the demonstrations, were protected by these armed communities. The local people did not see a contradiction between supporting our nonviolent protest and using their guns to defend their homes and us."
—Adapted from memoirs of Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) organizers in rural Mississippi
Which of the following statements best explains how the dynamic described in the excerpt reframes the relationship between nonviolent direct action and armed self-defense during the civil rights movement?
In the early twentieth century, Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois offered contrasting theories of social advancement for Black Americans in the Jim Crow South. While Washington emphasized economic accumulation within the existing social order, Du Bois argued that economic progress was unsustainable without specific legal and political protections. Which of the following best explains Du Bois's reasoning for this critique of Washington's strategy?
Read the excerpt from an 1854 editorial in the *Provincial Freeman*, a weekly newspaper edited by Mary Ann Shadd Cary:
'We do not advocate a blind rush into the wilderness, nor do we align ourselves with those colonizationists who seek to export our people to West Africa to rid the United States of its free Black population. Our destination is Canada West. Here, under the protection of British law, we can acquire property, educate our children, and remain positioned near the borders of the republic to assist those who flee from the house of bondage.'
Based on the excerpt, which of the following best describes the key distinction between the emigrationist strategy of Mary Ann Shadd Cary and the agenda of the American Colonization Society (ACS)?
Read the statement below.
"We must canonize our own saints, create our own martyrs, and elevate to positions of fame and honor Black men and women who have made their distinct contributions to our history."
— Marcus Garvey, Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey, 1923
This statement best reflects which of the following core principles of Garveyism?
Read the following excerpt from a civil rights organizer's field report in Mississippi during the 1960s:
"We are working in a county where the local sheriff is an open member of the White Citizens' Council, meaning state authority is aligned with vigilante violence. When we conduct voter registration workshops during the day, we adhere strictly to SCLC and SNCC guidelines of nonviolence, using civil disobedience to expose the moral crisis of Jim Crow. But at night, we sleep in homes protected by local farmers who sit on their porches with loaded shotguns. Without their armed vigilance, we would not survive to practice nonviolence the next day."
Which of the following statements best describes the relationship between nonviolence and armed self-defense as illustrated by the organizer's description?
Read the following excerpt from Frances M. Beale's essay "Double Jeopardy: To Be Black and Female" (1969):
"We must begin to understand that the system of capitalism requires that there be a group of people at the bottom of the ladder to be exploited... For the Black woman, this exploitation is double or triple... If the white groups do not realize that they are in fact fighting capitalism and racism, we do not have a common bond. If they do not realize that the Black woman is oppressed by the very nature of her being Black and female, then there is no common ground."
Based on the passage, which of the following statements best explains how Beale’s argument challenges the mainstream, white-led feminist movement of the late 1960s?
At its 1959 annual convention, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) adopted a resolution stating:
'We do not and have never advocated violence. However, we cannot call upon [Black Americans] to be passive victims of violence and lawless outrages... We have always defended and will continue to defend the right of any person to defend his person or his home against unlawful assault.'
Which of the following statements best analyzes how this resolution positions the NAACP within the contemporary debates over civil rights strategies?
Excerpt 1
"We are here, and here we must remain. The attempt to transport us to other lands is a cruel conspiracy against our rights and our humanity. Our labor has cleared the forests and cultivated the fields of this continent, and we are determined to claim our rightful inheritance as citizens of the United States."
—Frederick Douglass, address to the National Convention of Colored People, 1853
Excerpt 2
"To refuse to emigrate to a land of freedom simply because our ancestors cleared the fields of our oppressors is to prioritize sentiment over liberty. Under the shadow of the Fugitive Slave Act, the colored man in the Republic is stripped of all protection. In Canada, we are recognized as men and citizens under the law, free to build our own communities and exercise our political rights."
—Mary Ann Shadd Cary, *A Plea for Emigration; or, Notes of Canada West*, 1852
Based on these excerpts, which of the following best analyzes the core debate between the two authors regarding Black self-determination in the mid-nineteenth century?
Read the following excerpt from a Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) position paper titled "The Basis of Black Power" (1966):
"White liberals and radicals have to accept the fact that they are relationally in a position of exploiters... If we are to proceed toward true liberation, we must define ourselves, our goals, and our image... White people who desire to help can do so by going into their own communities—where the racism is���and organizing them to confront that racism, rather than trying to lead or organize Black people."
Based on the passage, which of the following best describes SNCC’s shift in organizational strategy and its implications for the broader Black Power movement?
Read the following excerpt from the preamble to the National Black Political Agenda, adopted at the Gary National Black Political Convention in 1972:
"The American system no longer works for anyone except the very rich and the very powerful... For us, the systems of America have never worked. They have worked against us... We must form a new Black politics... A Black politics that starts with the premise that we must organize ourselves, that we must build our own institutions, and that we must determine our own destiny."
Based on the excerpt, which of the following best explains how the National Black Political Agenda reflects the core goals of the Black Power movement?
Read the following excerpt from activist and author Barbara Smith's introduction to *Home Girls: A Black Feminist Anthology* (1983):
"The barriers to Black women's organizing are not that we do not have the consciousness or the political sophistication. The barriers are the material conditions of our lives: the constant struggle to survive, the lack of money, the lack of time, the lack of resources... Furthermore, we are dealing with a society that is not only racist, sexist, and capitalist, but one that is also heterosexist. Black feminism is the political analysis and practice that addresses all of these systems of oppression."
Based on the excerpt, which of the following best describes the primary barrier to Black feminist organizing identified by Smith?
Read the following excerpt from an editorial by Amy Jacques Garvey in *The Negro World* (1926):
"To the Black woman has fallen the task of rebuilding the home, of comforting the distressed, and of teaching our children that they are the equals of any race on Earth. But our duty does not stop at the domestic hearth. We must stand shoulder to shoulder with our men in the commercial, political, and industrial struggle to establish a free and independent African nation. Without our active participation in the building of Black-owned enterprises and the support of our own institutions, the dream of redemption will remain a shadow."
Which of the following statements best describes how the author's argument reflects a core tenet of Garveyism that distinguished it from mainstream Pan-Africanism led by W.E.B. Du Bois?
Read the following excerpt from Martin Delany's *Official Report of the Niger Valley Exploring Party* (1861):
'Our policy must be, and I write for the guidance of the people of North America, that the Christianization and civilization of Africa can only be effected by the entry of civilized and Christianized colored men, who shall go there as settlers, to make it their home... We must establish a nationality, and that nationality must be in Africa, the land of our fathers.'
Based on the excerpt and your knowledge of nineteenth-century history, which of the following best describes how Delany's emigrationist program differed from the goals of the American Colonization Society (ACS)?
Read the passage below:
"While local initiatives to address housing discrimination and redlining are commendable steps toward local equity, they should not be labeled as 'reparations' in the truest sense. The racial wealth gap is a national project, born of federal policy and protected by federal law from the era of chattel slavery through Jim Crow. Only the federal government possesses the monetary capacity and the constitutional authority to execute a program of direct redress that can actually close this gap."
Based on the passage, which of the following statements best summarizes the author's stance on the implementation of reparations?
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the National Ex-Slave Mutual Relief, Bounty and Pension Association, under the leadership of Callie House, mobilized hundreds of thousands of formerly enslaved African Americans to petition the federal government for pensions. Which of the following best describes the federal government's primary response to this grassroots campaign?
On September 24, 1895, shortly after the delivery of the Atlanta Exposition Address, W.E.B. Du Bois sent a brief note to Booker T. Washington:
'Let me heartily congratulate you upon your phenomenal success at Atlanta—it was a word fitly spoken.'
Which of the following historical conclusions is best supported by this note?
In his 1963 'Letter from Birmingham Jail,' Martin Luther King Jr. wrote:
'Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no longer be ignored.'
According to the passage, what is the primary purpose of creating crisis and tension through nonviolent direct action?