Movements and Debates
327 questions
Read the following excerpt from Booker T. Washington's Atlanta Exposition Address (1895):
'Our greatest danger is that in the great leap from slavery to freedom we may overlook the fact that the masses of us are to live by the productions of our hands, and fail to keep in mind that we shall prosper in proportion as we learn to dignify and glorify common labour... No race can prosper till it learns that there is as much dignity in tilling a field as in writing a poem.'
Which of the following statements best describes how W.E.B. Du Bois's strategy for Black advancement contrasted with the philosophy expressed in this excerpt?
During the early 1960s, the Cambridge Nonviolent Action Committee (CNAC) in Maryland, led by Gloria Richardson, organized campaigns against racial segregation. Reflecting on their strategy, Richardson noted:
"We in the Cambridge Nonviolent Action Committee never believed in nonviolence as a philosophy or a way of life; we accepted it only as a useful tactic for demonstrations. We always maintained that if someone attacks you or your home, you have every right—legal and moral—to defend yourself. Indeed, our willingness to defend our community did not hinder our struggle; it prevented the local segregationists from running over us."
Based on the excerpt, which of the following statements best describes CNAC's approach to the civil rights struggle?
Read the following excerpt from Audre Lorde's address "The Master's Tools Will Never Dismantle the Master's House" (1979):
"Those of us who stand outside the circle of this society's definition of acceptable women; those of us who have been forged in the crucibles of difference—those of us who are poor, who are lesbians, who are Black, who are older—know that survival is not an academic skill. It is learning how to take our differences and make them strengths. For the master's tools will never dismantle the master's house."
Based on the excerpt, which of the following statements best describes how Lorde's perspective challenges mainstream second-wave feminism?
Read the excerpt below from writer Larry Neal's 1968 essay, 'The Black Arts Movement':
'Black Art is the aesthetic and spiritual sister of the Black Power concept. As such, it envisions an art for the people. Black Art is a radical reordering of the western aesthetic of art. It proposes that there are two aesthetics in motion, one Western and one Black.'
Based on this excerpt, which of the following best describes the relationship between the Black Arts Movement and the Black Power Movement?
Read the excerpt from a petition to the United States Congress by Paul Cuffe in 1814:
'[Your petitioner] has for many years past felt a strong desire to contribute his influence... to improve the condition of the people of color in these States... [He] was induced to personally visit Sierra Leone, on the coast of Africa... to promote their settlement in that country, by helping to establish trade and agriculture there, so that a channel of communication might be opened to civilize the inhabitants of Africa and put an end to the slave trade.'
Based on the excerpt and historical context, which of the following best explains how Paul Cuffe's emigrationist efforts differed from the later programs of the American Colonization Society (ACS)?
Read the following excerpt from Mary Ann Shadd Cary's pamphlet, *A Plea for Emigration; or, Notes of Canada West* (1852):
"The Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 has, in a measure, settled the question as to the security of the colored population in the free States... Here [in Canada], the colored man can become a citizen, a land-holder, and a voter. He can educate his children, and, in all respects, stand on an equal footing with his white neighbor."
Which of the following best explains how the context of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 influenced the debate between emigrationists and integrationists shown in the excerpt?
Read the following excerpt from bell hooks’s *Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center* (1984):
> 'Much feminist theory is written from a perspective that lacks a consideration of the ways in which race and class interlock with gender to shape the experiences of women. Because the mainstream feminist movement was dominated by white, middle-class women, their analysis of women’s oppression was often presented as universal.'
Based on the excerpt, which of the following best describes the primary limitation of mainstream second-wave feminism identified by Black feminists?
Following the Atlanta Race Riot of 1906, Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois offered contrasting advice to African American communities facing increased racial violence in the Jim Crow South. Washington emphasized patience and continued focus on economic cooperation and industrial development. Du Bois, deeply affected by the riot, published writings criticizing Washington's strategy, arguing that economic gains were vulnerable without political and civil rights. Based on this historical context, which of the following statements best describes the core disagreement between Washington and Du Bois regarding how to respond to racial violence?
Read the following excerpt from W. E. B. Du Bois's *The Souls of Black Folk* (1903):
'Mr. Washington distinctly advocates common-school and industrial training, and depreciates institutions of higher learning; but neither the Negro common-schools, nor Tuskegee itself, could remain open a single day were it not for the teachers trained in Negro colleges, or trained by their graduates.'
Based on this passage, which of the following statements best describes Du Bois's perspective on the relationship between vocational training and higher education?
Read the passage below from Molefi Kete Asante's *The Afrocentric Idea*:
"To say that we are Afrocentric is to say that we look at the world from our own center. ... Afrocentricity is not a black version of Eurocentricity. Eurocentricity is often imposed as universal, whereas Afrocentricity claims only to be a valid perspective for analyzing African history and experiences. It does not seek to replace one hegemony with another, but to assert the right of African people to be subjects, not objects, of history."
Based on the passage, which of the following best describes the primary distinction between the Afrocentric perspective and a Eurocentric framework?
Read the following excerpt from the preface to Jessie Redmon Fauset's novel *The Chinaberry Tree* (1931) and answer the question that follows:
"But of the great transition class, the refining, developing, and expanding class of Negroes who live, move, and have their being in a world of their own, we hear almost nothing... It is of this class that I write."
Based on the excerpt and your knowledge of the New Negro Movement, Fauset's literary philosophy most directly aligns with which of the following positions in the cultural debates of the era?
Read the following excerpt from the 'Report on the Political Destiny of the Colored Race,' written by Martin Delany for the National Emigration Convention in 1854:
'No people can be free who themselves do not constitute an essential part of the ruling element of the country in which they live... A people who are not represented in the legislative, executive, and judicial departments of the government, are not a free people.'
Based on the excerpt and your knowledge of abolitionist debates, which of the following best explains how Delany's argument differs from the integrationist perspective of Frederick Douglass?
“We were committed to nonviolence, but our hosts—the local people who took us into their homes, fed us, and kept us safe—were not bound by the same pledge. In the rural South, a shotgun behind the door was a standard household tool, as necessary for survival as a plow. Those weapons did not represent a rejection of our struggle; rather, they made our nonviolent organizing possible by serving as a quiet deterrent against nighttime racial terror.”
Based on the passage, which of the following statements best describes the relationship between nonviolent direct action and armed self-defense in the rural Southern civil rights movement?
In a 1925 article published in the Universal Negro Improvement Association’s (UNIA) newspaper, *The Negro World*, Amy Jacques Garvey wrote:
"The time is ripe for Black women to take their place in the vanguard of our struggle. We cannot afford to have our talents sidelined or restricted to domestic duties. The redemption of Africa and the building of a strong, self-reliant global Black nation requires the full intellectual and organizational power of Black women working alongside Black men."
Based on this excerpt, which of the following best describes how Amy Jacques Garvey's perspective on Black women's roles aligned with or challenged the broader ideology of Garveyism?
Read the excerpt below:
"We are demanding $500,000,000 from the Christian white churches and the Jewish synagogues... This demand is not a request for charity; it is a demand for justice and the return of wealth that has been systematically extracted from Black people. We will use these funds to establish a Southern Land Bank, cooperative businesses, independent Black publishing houses, and a Black university, ensuring our own economic survival and independence."
— James Forman, "Black Manifesto," 1969
Which of the following best explains how the demands in the excerpt reflect the influence of the Black Power movement on debates over reparations?
Read the following excerpt from Claudia Jones's essay "An End to the Neglect of the Problems of the Negro Woman!" (1949):
"The Negro woman is subjected to triple exploitation: as a worker, as a Negro, and as a woman... Any progressive movement that fails to recognize the leadership and vital role of Negro women in the struggle for peace, civil rights, and economic security cannot succeed. Only by addressing all three forms of oppression can the entire working class and the Negro people achieve true liberation."
Based on the excerpt, which of the following concepts is most directly illustrated by Claudia Jones's analysis of the "triple exploitation" faced by Black women?
Historically, the intellectual debate between Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois has often been characterized as a rigid dichotomy. However, historical records reveal that Washington secretly financed lawsuits challenging Alabama's disenfranchisement constitution, while Du Bois frequently affirmed the value of vocational training alongside higher education.
Which of the following statements best explains the significance of these historical details?
Read the following excerpt from a speech by Booker T. Washington to the National Negro Business League in 1900:
'The man who has a mortgage on his home, or who has no bank account, cannot be as independent or as useful a citizen as the one who is a property owner and a taxpayer... Economic efficiency is the foundation upon which all other progress must be built.'
Based on this excerpt and your knowledge of early civil rights debates, which of the following best contrasts Washington's strategy for Black advancement with that of W. E. B. Du Bois?
Read the excerpt from the original, uncensored draft of John Lewis’s speech prepared for the 1963 March on Washington:
'We will not wait for the President, the Justice Department, nor Congress, but we will take things into our own hands and create a source of power, outside of any national structure, that could and would assure us a victory... We will march through the South, through the heart of Dixie, the way Sherman did. We shall pursue our own "scorched earth" policy and burn Jim Crow to the ground—nonviolently.'
Lewis’s description of a 'scorched earth' policy to be carried out 'nonviolently' best illustrates which of the following concepts?
Read the following excerpt from a speech by Marcus Garvey in the early 1920s:
'The Negro must have a country of his own. He must have a nation, he must have a government of his own, because that is the only way in which he can protect himself and his family in the future... We are not going to integrate ourselves into others; we are going to build for ourselves.'
Based on the excerpt, which of the following best describes the key strategic difference between Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) and the mainstream Pan-Africanism represented by W.E.B. Du Bois during the 1920s?