Movements and Debates
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Read the following excerpt from congressional discussions on H.R. 40, the Commission to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African-Americans Act:
"The bill does not mandate payouts or establish a specific dollar figure. Instead, it creates a national framework to examine the institution of slavery, its subsequent subjection of African Americans to de jure and de facto discrimination, and the lingering economic and social impact on living descendants."
Based on this excerpt and the historical debates surrounding reparations, which of the following best explains why proponents of H.R. 40 advocate for a federal study commission rather than an immediate distribution of financial assets?
Read the following excerpt from Martin Delany's 1852 book, *The Condition, Elevation, Emigration, and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States*:
"The colonizationists, who are our most inveterate enemies, have always, and still do, object to our remaining in this country... but we are, and of right ought to be, American citizens... We must reject their schemes to export us. Yet, if we are to seek our political destiny elsewhere, it must be through our own voluntary, independent action, choosing destinations in the Western Hemisphere where we can establish self-governing communities."
Based on the excerpt, which of the following statements best describes the distinction Martin Delany makes between colonization and emigration?
Consider the following comparison of arguments advanced during the mid-nineteenth-century debates over the future of Black Americans:
| Speaker | Proposed Strategy | Primary Justification |
|---|---|---|
| Speaker 1 | Voluntary emigration to Central America, South America, or the Caribbean | African Americans are a distinct group whose self-determination and political equality can only be fully realized in self-governing territories where they form the majority. |
| Speaker 2 | Persistent activism for integration and civil rights within the United States | African Americans have built the nation through their labor and sacrifices, are Americans by birthright, and leaving would validate the efforts of pro-slavery colonizationists. |
Based on this table and your knowledge of nineteenth-century Black intellectual history, which of the following statements best analyzes the ideological division represented by Speaker 1 and Speaker 2?
Read the following excerpt from the Declaration of Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World, adopted at the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) convention in August 1920:
"We believe in the freedom of Africa for the Negro people of the world, and by the principle of Europe for the Europeans and Asia for the Asiatics, we also demand Africa for the Africans, at home and abroad. ... We believe that the Negro, like any other race, should be governed by the laws of his own choosing, and be ruled by officers of his own race."
Which of the following best describes how the political vision expressed in this excerpt differed from the strategy promoted by contemporary mainstream Pan-Africanists like W.E.B. Du Bois?
Read the following excerpt from Anna Julia Cooper’s *A Voice from the South* (1892):
"Only the BLACK WOMAN can say 'when and where I enter, in the quiet, undisputed dignity of my womanhood, without violence and without suing or patronage, then and there the whole Negro race enters with me.'"
Based on this excerpt, which of the following statements best reflects Cooper's core argument regarding the role of Black women in racial advancement?
Read the following excerpt from an address by Frederick Douglass at the National Convention of Colored People in 1853:
"We ask that in our native land we shall not be treated as strangers, and that while we obey the laws and support the government, we shall not be deprived of the rights of citizenship."
Which of the following movements or philosophies from the nineteenth-century abolitionist debates is most directly represented by the excerpt?
In defining the methodology of African American Studies, scholars distinguish the academic paradigm of Afrocentricity from popular, non-academic formulations of "Afrocentrism." The core academic objective of Afrocentricity is to shift the study of African and African diaspora populations from a framework where they are viewed as passive objects of European history to one where they are analyzed as self-determining subjects of their own historical and cultural experiences.
Which of the following historical analyses best demonstrates the application of this academic Afrocentric methodology?
Read the following excerpt from a speech delivered by Malcolm X in Cleveland, Ohio, on April 3, 1964:
"Concerning nonviolence: it is criminal to teach a man not to defend himself when he is the constant victim of brutal attacks. It is legal and lawful to own a shotgun or a rifle. We believe in obeying the law. [...] But when the law fails to protect us, we have a right to protect ourselves."
Which of the following statements best describes how the perspective in the excerpt challenges the strategy of nonviolent direct action championed by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC)?
In his 1968 essay 'The Black Arts Movement,' writer Larry Neal argued that 'Black Art is the aesthetic and spiritual sister of the Black Power concept,' proposing 'a separate symbolism, mythology, critique, and iconology' that speaks directly to Black Americans.
Based on this context, which of the following best describes the role of cultural expression within the Black Power Movement?
During a 1966 rally in Greenwood, Mississippi, civil rights activist Stokely Carmichael addressed a crowd with the following words:
"The only way we’re gonna stop them... is to take over. We been saying 'Freedom' for six years and we ain't got nothin'. What we gonna start saying now is Black Power!"
Which of the following best describes the shift in civil rights strategy represented by this call for "Black Power"?
Read the following excerpt from Sojourner Truth’s speech at the Women’s Rights Convention in Akron, Ohio (1851):
"That man over there says that women need to be helped into carriages, and lifted over ditches, and to have the best place everywhere. Nobody ever helps me into carriages, or over mud-puddles, or gives me any best place! And ar'n't I a woman? Look at me! Look at my arm! I have ploughed and planted, and gathered into barns, and no man could head me! And ar'n't I a woman?"
Which of the following principles of modern Black feminist thought is best illustrated by Truth's argument?
Civil rights organizations such as the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) frequently employed tactics like boycotts, sit-ins, and marches. Which of the following best describes the underlying theory of change behind these nonviolent direct action strategies?
In his 1928 essay "Art or Propaganda?", Alain Locke writes:
"Art in the best sense is union, then. Propaganda is monopoly and division. My objection to propaganda in art is that it is too often an attempt to build a house on a foundation of shifting sand. ... Propaganda focuses on the conflict and the obstacle, while art must focus on the self-expression and the creation."
Based on this passage, which of the following best captures the core debate within the New Negro Movement regarding creative production?
Read the following excerpt from Martin Luther King Jr.’s book *Stride Toward Freedom* (1958):
'First, it must be emphasized that nonviolent resistance is not a method for cowards; it does resist. If one uses this method because he is afraid or merely because he lacks the instruments of violence, he is not truly nonviolent... The method is passive physically, but strongly active spiritually. It is not passive non-resistance to evil, it is active nonviolent resistance to evil.'
Based on the passage, which of the following statements best describes the nature of nonviolent resistance as advocated by Martin Luther King Jr.?
In the early twentieth century, Marcus Garvey established the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) to advocate for Black self-reliance, global racial solidarity, and economic independence. Which of the following initiatives was created by the UNIA to directly support its goals of global trade and economic self-reliance?
In his 1942 essay "Non-Violence vs. Jim Crow," civil rights organizer Bayard Rustin wrote:
"Nonviolent direct action is a method of struggle in which people refuse to cooperate with injustice. It is not a method of compliance or acceptance; it is a method of conflict."
Based on this quote, which of the following best describes the core nature of nonviolent direct action?
Read the passage below from a scholarly analysis of African history and historiography:
'In reclaiming the African past, Afrocentric scholars rely heavily on the historiographical and scientific contributions of Cheikh Anta Diop. Diop argued that the separation of Egypt from the rest of the African continent was a deliberate Eurocentric construction designed to deny African people a place in the history of human civilization. By using comparative linguistics, physical anthropology, and cultural analysis, Diop demonstrated the deep-seated connections between ancient Egypt (Kemet) and Sub-Saharan African cultures, arguing for a unified African cultural and historical continuity.'
Based on the passage, which of the following best describes how Cheikh Anta Diop's scholarship serves as a foundational element of the Afrocentric paradigm?
Read the following excerpt from the Combahee River Collective Statement (1977):
'We believe that sexual politics under patriarchy is as pervasive in Black women's lives as are the politics of class and race. We also often find it difficult to separate race from class from sex oppression because in our lives they are most often experienced simultaneously. We know that there is such a thing as racial-sexual oppression which is neither solely racial nor solely sexual.'
Which of the following concepts is most directly described in this excerpt?
In his 1926 essay "The Negro Artist and the Racial Mountain," Langston Hughes wrote:
> "But this is the mountain standing in the way of any true Negro art in America—this urge within the race toward urges to be as little Negro and as much American as possible... to be as little Negro as possible, which means, of course, to be as little himself as possible."
Based on the passage, which of the following represents the primary obstacle ("the mountain") facing Black artists during the New Negro Movement?
What was the primary goal of the early twentieth-century Pan-African movement?